Biography of Pliny the Elder’s Naturalis Historia

Physical Biography:

Interpretation of Most Intriguing Feature:

After spending two hours examining the physicality of Pliny The Elder’s Naturalis Historia, the most mysterious feature were the final two pages completely stuck together, with unintelligible penmanship bleeding through. It would seem that this handwritten note was sealed away from readers on purpose by a former owner of this copy as a mode of censorship. By sealing this secrecy between the two pages, future readers are forced to grapple with pushing past the words on the page, and to appreciate the book as a concept rather than the book as content. While it is unclear the true reason why this intriguing attribute exists, the reason why it is important is because these final pages contradict the book itself; it is an encyclopedia of natural history, yet neglects to inform readers of everything within its pages. This written detail is an inaccessible part of the book’s history. Whoever owned this book before San Diego State became its home knew the power of words on a page, and knew how to leave readers hanging by a thread.

Upon my final few minutes with Naturalis Historia, an incunable book, I discovered truly the most intriguing aspect, which was barely noticeable writing bleeding through a concealed page. When I noticed this hidden handwritten note, I immediately knew that this was what I wanted to talk about. I want to talk about something I can’t even see. In fact, it is so difficult to recognize that I was stuck trying to interpret Jacobus Goellius’ signature literally the page directly next to it without even assuming more penmanship would appear. Typically, when I see a signature, I generalize that it is the end of something, whether it be a legal document or a letter. In this case, when I saw “Jacob Goellius” impressively signed at the end of the hand-pressed text, I figured it was the conclusion to the book as a whole. 

However, one has to remember everyone involved in the bookmaking process in fifteenth century Venice. At this particular print shop, the printer, Rainald di Nouimagius Alamanni, had this edition decreed during the reign of Giovanni Mocenigo. Just in his name alone, we can see the importance of the birthplace of bookmaking skills in relation to Germany, and how Italians used “Alamanni” to identify German descent and craftsmen. In one way or another, this title demonstrates a level of respect for the people who engage with books, making scientific knowledge and power more accessible to others. Similarly, by mentioning whose reign Nouimagius printed this book under, there is a political message identifying the overarching power of the government at this time. It is clear that politicians were well-respected and elevated on the hierarchy of power, dominating even printing presses distributing books. 

That is why when we think of book history, we must consider the sociology of the people during the time as well. There are lines of overlap with people in power and people not in power, building tensions between the relations made from one single book. For example, Aldus Manutius’ career with the Aldine Press overlapped with Nouimagius’ which creates an intricate network of people who collaborate and dedicate their lives toward this industry. While I am unaware of Nouimagius and Manutius’ relationship, I know that when I try to research more about Nouimagius, Manutius’ name appears instead. Even though Nouimagius contributed greatly to book history, gifting San Diego State Pliny the Elder’s incunable book, it is nearly impossible to find detailed information on him without learning about Manutius simultaneously. This goes to show the power structures of successful people five centuries ago still remain today based on how much one made an impact on a particular industry. Among hundreds of other printing houses during their time, Manutius is the most popular, not Nouimagius.

Given that we know of how Noumagius could’ve worked with other craftsmen on Pliny the Elder’s reimagined Natural History, one of these craftsmen might’ve left this handwritten message in the back of the book. However, if it were either Noumagius himself or other craftsmen, I doubt they were writing some personal letter or coded note to a future reader. Rather, I am leaning more toward the argument that their note would be more closely related to the general printing, possibly regarding page numbers and orientation. Similar to how there are signatures indicating the end of specific sections—like “d i”—to aid the bookbinding process, I would imagine this message was a possible guide for Nouimagius and his team. Therefore, it would make sense for them to seal these papers together since they might not deem this writing necessary for scholars of content. Of course, when they are printing the books, they do not consider how people like me, five hundred years later, would try to uncover what this writing might mean to the history of this book.

The main indicator as to why I believe it was neither Nouimagius nor others is the page just before with Jacobus Goellius’ notable signature. With such a flamboyant and attractive name, one might not stop to consider the censorship just above his name, covering another person’s signature or handwriting. With a censored signature above and Goellius below, it leads to consideration that Jacobus Goellius might’ve covered this person’s name because they were a previous owner. Without being able to read the writing below this covering, it is nearly impossible to discern if it is even the name of a previous owner. And, even if it was a name, retrieving who might’ve had ownership of this text is equally, if not more, difficult to find. After researching who and when Jacobus Goellius is, on Pantheon.world, he made notable contributions to Mathematics and Latin and Arabic studies in the early to mid-seventeenth century, more than one hundred years after this book was printed. It is possible he studied aspects of this book pertaining to these specializations, but that does not explain why he would write his name in the book, or decide to use Naturalis Historia for that matter. Considering its size and decorative elements, it is most likely that, at the time of its printing and for several years after, Naturalis Historia belonged to a church or university in Venice, Italy. Therefore, only people with power and scholars of these institutions had access to such knowledge since public libraries and portable books were yet to become popularized. 

A more important question, therefore, might be: why does Jacobus Goellius, a man from the Netherlands, care about what is in a book in Venice? Thomas Erpenius was Goellius’ teacher at Leiden University, who instructed him in West Asian language studies including Arabic, Persian, and Turkish. During Erpenius’ career, he traveled to myriad places, finding time to stop in Venice, Italy to perfect certain languages. It was there that Erpenius might have made contact with Pliny’s Naturalis Historia printed in 1483. I have tried many times over to find where the copy of this book truly resided, but have failed to find its exact and original home. Even though Erpenius studied at Venice of Jewish Instruction, there is no written record that Nouimagius’ 1483 print was held there. In spite of this, I still consider it reasonable to hypothesize that Erpenius encountered the text here or, quite possibly, became an owner of it. During the years between Nouimagius’ printed copy of Pliny the Elder’s manuscript and Erpenius’ visit to Venice, personally owned books were made popular by the Aldine Press. Somewhere lost in history, this text could’ve been owned by more individuals besides the obvious Jacobus Goellius. Since Erpenius was succeeded by Goellius as the chair of Arabic and Hebrew studies at Leiden University, Erpenius could have passed Naturalis Historia down to Goellius, thus reasoning why his name is signed in this copy. Then, we could conclude that the name or writing covered above Goellius’ signature was Erpenius.

If Goellius was willing to cover his predecessor’s signature, it would not be unreasonable to consider the fact that he might also censor writing in the back of the book. Perhaps he didn’t have any malintentions, but it would seem this act was performed purposefully. From my observations, these pages were nearly seamlessly adhered together, making it close to impossible for this to be any accident. Once again, if Goellius were to have sealed these pages together, it was most likely under the impression that whatever was written on these pages was unimportant to other scholars. Maybe he was even concealing personal details or notes Erpenius might’ve left before he died at just forty-years-old. Whether he was hiding secretive notes or censoring unnecessary annotations, Goellius understood these words would change the book’s history. Whoever wrote in this text, left their mark, no matter how hard Goellius tried to cover it. 

After all of this research on Pliny the Elder’s Naturalis Historia printed in 1483 by Nouimagius, we have hardly discussed what was actually written in this book. That is because books are not only important by the information they provide but also by the information yet to be discovered. One might stop to consider the importance of every page in a given book glued together with intent, and question not the words on the pages but why they were concealed. We have not learned about the significance Naturalis Historia has in relation to Pliny’s ceaseless research, but in relation to the sociology and censorship of knowledge. When Nouimagius printed Naturalis Historia, the book likely ended up in a funded institution, exclusive to people in power. After many years, more scholars accessed the information in this text until, bit by bit, relevant documentation was made permanently inaccessible. After New York’s Bern Dibner Library Bern Dibner Library (where this book was collected along with other incunables) permanently closed, it traveled to the Huntington Library, Art Collections, and Botanical Gardens in San Marino, California before finally ending up at San Diego State University’s Special Collections. While this particular copy is not held at a public library, you can still access free translations and versions both online and at public institutions. However, since Nouimagius’ incunable version holds more value in its age and history, it is kept in a more conserved location in Special Collections. The life of this Naturalis Historia is just one demonstration of how the power of a particular book doesn’t just pertain to the content but also the overall concept of it. Nouimagius’ book is not worth hundreds of thousands of dollars because of its content, it is more valuable because of its concept; the life it has lived is longer and more historical than anyone observing it. It is an ancient artifact of human sociology, politics, and culture. That is why it doesn’t necessarily matter what writing the pages hide, but why the pages hide this writing in the first place. In order to make an educated guess as to why, it is necessary to dive into almost every aspect of this book’s life to discern something that could otherwise be easily answered if there wasn’t five-hundred years of history to this book. 

Learning about Rainald di Nouimagius Alamanni’s printed version of Pliny the Elder’s Naturalis Historia was no easy task. However, as I encountered multiple challenges such as its age and even that it was typed in Latin, I also learned to appreciate this book for its physicality. Because I’ve only known and read mass-produced books, I’ve only ever learned to read the words on the page rather than the pages, materiality, and history. By taking on a challenge to identify historical and sociological relevance of San Diego State’s Naturalis Historia, I gained experience in interdisciplinary research and scholarship. I also gained a new perspective on reading books not in what they contain but how they reveal themselves to their readers.

Works Cited

De Bruijn, J. T. P. “Golius, Jacobus.” Encyclopedia Iranica, Iranica Online Vol. XI, Fasc. 1, p. 96, 3 June 2013. GOLIUS, JACOBUS – Encyclopaedia Iranica

Encyclopedia.com. “Erpenius (van Erpe), Thomas.” Erpenius (van Erpe), Thomas° | Encyclopedia.com

“Erpenius, Thomas.” 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica, Volume 9. 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Erpenius, Thomas – Wikisource, the free online library 

Mark, Joshua J. “Alemanni.” World History Encyclopedia, 10 September 2014. Alemanni – World History Encyclopedia 

Massachusetts Institution of Technology. “The Burndy Library has moved and the Dibner Institute has closed.” Burndy Library | Dibner Institute

Pantheon. “Jacobus Golius.” Jacobus Golius Biography | Pantheon

Smith, Dr. Lorenza. “Aldo Manuzio (Aldus Manutius): inventor of the modern book.” Smarthistory, 28 March 2019. Smarthistory – Aldo Manuzio (Aldus Manutius): inventor of the modern book Smithsonian Institution Libraries Publications, Incunabula Collections. Incunabula From the Dibner Library of the History of Science and Technology

Biography of a Book: The Golden Legend, Wynkyn de Worde, 1527

Bibliography

This copy of the Golden Legend, first written in Latin by Jacobus de Voraigne in 1265, is the ninth edition of a William Caxton English translation, printed by Wynkyn de Worde on August 27, 1527, on Fleet Street at “the sygne of the sonne,” according to the book’s colophon in folio CCC.LXXXIIII. The volume is bound in brown leather with embossed gilding and decoration. “NOBILIS IRA” has been stamped on the front cover of the binding as well as the image of a lion—the family motto and crest of Clan Stuart of Bute, a wealthy family of Scottish nobility. It is a heavy and large book, printed at full folio size before trimming. The interiors of the front and rear covers show some water damage.

Binding of the Golden Legend showing crest and motto of Clan Stuart

The spine of the book bears six horizontal hubs. The spine is embossed in gilt with “THE GOLDEN LEGENDE” at its top and “W. DE WORDE. MCCCCCXXVII” in its center with a series of decorative gilt knots embossed in the other recesses between the hubs. The joint and hinge of this cover are in excellent shape, as are most of its pages. The book is accompanied by an undecorated solander case made of cardboard and faux leather, likely of much later origin than the binding and pages of the codex.

The pages of this edition are cloth rag, and they have gilding on all three exterior edges. There is some light dampstaining on the first few pages of the book and the last few. The center pages of the book are in excellent condition and some folios are pristine. Watermarks are visible at the center of most pages throughout the book, bearing the image of a star below an open palm. The blackletter text in which this work was printed has held up very well and the letters are clear and sharp throughout. Unlike earlier printings, this ninth edition does not have red drop cap lettering. Wynkyn de Worde was known for his illustrated copies, and there are many woodcut images stamped throughout this copy of the Golden Legend, some incorporated into the formatting of the text, others taking up full pages (Gillespie & Powell 30). Where the title page would typically be, there is a full-page illustration of many saints gathered around the throne of God. This page appears to have been repaired with newer paper, and one can see where the edges were once tattered by the years.

Artwork on first page, AIJ

There are several bookplates glued to the inside of the front cover and to the frontispiece. Inside the front cover a bookseller’s plate is glued to the top left corner reading:

1652 Legend Aurea; That is to say, in English, The Golden Legend; wherein be contained all the High and Great Feasts of Our Lord, the Feats of our Blessed Lady, the Lyves, Passions, and Miracles of many other Saintes, Histories and Acts, black letter, with woodcuts, folio, remarkably fine large copy, Morocco elegant, gilt leaves, EXTREMELY RARE, 52l. 10s. – London by Wynkyn de Worde, 1527. One of the most splendid specimens of this early printer’s productions.

Below this plate it can be seen that a bookplate has been removed at some point in this edition’s life. Below the adhesive residue where the old plate was, there is a bookplate with the image of a fine medieval building. In very small print the facade of the building bears the words ALDENHAM ABBEY. The bookplate glued below this gives a case, shelf, and room number. However, a plate from the Tempsford Hall Library has been glued over the top of it, denoting Case C, Shelf 4, and asking the reader to “Please return this Book to its place when done with.”

Underneath the Tempsford Hall plate is a more modern plate from the twentieth century reading “THE LIBRARY OF DAVID AND LULU BOROWITZ.”

Inside front cover: bookplates, water damage

The frontispiece has a fourth bookplate glued to it, this one larger than the rest, decorated with a coat of arms depicting a griffin-plumed helmet resting on the top edge of a shield. The crest’s motto reads “ET CUSTOS ET PUGNAX.” “Ex Libris” is written at the top edge of this plate, and the bottom edge reads: William Marchbank. This plate seems to be of an older paper than the Borowitz plate, but not as old as those of Tempsford Hall and Aldenham Abbey, so it is reasonable to estimate it is from the early twentieth to late nineteenth century. This plate also appears to be glued over the top of another of the same size and inscribed with the same message and crest. All that appears to have changed between the two is the font of William Marchbank’s name at the bottom and the material of the plate itself.

A letter has been glued to the frontispiece of this edition, presumably by a later bookseller. The letter is written in cursive on letterhead from the Bodleian Library at Oxford, dated May 11, 1850. It is accompanied by a loose envelope addressed to Henrietta Street in Covent Garden, London, sent to Thomas Thorpe, a bookseller in the capital. The envelope reads: “Relating the Golden Legende. May 1850” and bears several postal stamps from 1850 while the letter was in transit. The letter reads:

11/5/50

Dear Sir, I have carefully examined our copy (in the Douse Collection) of the Golden Legend, by Wykkyn de Worde 1527. There is no leaf between the Frontispiece and AIJ. Douse considered it perfect, only remarking that the impression from frontis plate was the worse for frequent use. As far as I could keep into the back of the sheet without injuring the Book, it seemed to me that the plate was struck off on the half of the last folding – so as to prove that it was an Ai- I shall be glad at all times to make any search of this nature for you. I am glad to find that your country air has restored you. I wish I could get away from Oxford for a little while, but I am afraid to go too far from my [unknown] Medical friends until the weather has become really genial—besides which I have a great deal on my hands at Bodley at this moment. Believe me. Yours faithfully, M Banchmil.  

Some of the words are difficult to decipher in the cursive text of the letter, but it is apparent that these two booksellers were well acquainted with one another, as Thomas Thorpe is listed in many letters held by the Bodleian Library’s archives in correspondence with the booksellers at Oxford.

Frontispiece: letter, envelope, bookplate

There is writing in pencil on the top of the inside cover that may read “Miss lj,” though I cannot make it out too clearly, and this appears to be a part of an inventory code Thomas Thorpe kept with many of the books he sold. The pencil inscription on the top of the frontispiece reads “3500 ww373,” and a final pencil inscription at the top left of the next page bears the call number of the book: BX 4654 J33 1527 to Special Collections, likely placed there when the book joined our archives along with the small stamp at the back of the frontispiece that says, “San Diego State University Library Special Collections.”

Analysis

The pedigree associated with this book is extraordinarily compelling. For much of its near-five-hundred-year existence, we can trace the movements of this edition of the Golden Legend down to the address of its residence and the shelf it has been stored on. The meticulous documentation that accompanies this book suggests to me that it has been an object of great importance since the day it was printed. The letter of sale attached to the frontispiece gives us an insight into how this book was viewed in 1850, and likely through the centuries before and since: as an object of immense value, whether socially or monetarily: a status symbol since the first days following its printing on Fleet Street in 1527 to its ultimate resting place in our Special Collections Library.

Wynkyn de Worde was a student of William Caxton. Born in Germany, he immigrated to England in 1476 in order to work under Caxton, ultimately taking control of Caxton’s business following his death in 1491. Wynkyn de Worde is credited as one of the instrumental early players in London’s printing scene. According to Fleet Street Heritage, he established the first print shop on the now famous Fleet Street in circa 1500 and set out on a prolific career in the industry, “in all, it is estimated that from 1501 to the close of his career [in 1535], Wynkyn printed over six hundred titles, several of which survive today.” He “seems to have sought to develop markets, particularly for smaller, hence cheaper books, that required less capital investment and could be produced more quickly,” though it is clear that this edition of the Golden Legend is not one of those books (Gillespie & Powell 30).

While de Worde made an effort to establish markets for the less affluent, he also had established connections within the hierarchy of the English nobility. He was a close associate of Lady Margaret Beaufort, King Henry VII’s mother, and was even named her printer shortly before her death in 1509. The Companion to the early Printed Book in Britain claims, though it is unclear, that Lady Margaret may have provided some assistance to Wynkyn de Worde, whether through monetary backing, or guaranteed purchases of a set number of copies, or it could be that association with her name provided a boost to sales (Gillespie & Powell 31). In any case, the colophon’s reference to the reign of Henry VIII suggests either that Henry’s reign held a strong grip on British society in 1527 or that de Worde was close with the crown, likely both.

Knowing that Wynkyn was making concerted efforts to lower production costs of his printing, it is easy to understand his movement away from using red ink drop caps in the text, and although it is printed entirely in plain black blackletter, the book is still rendered beautiful by the integrated woodcuts throughout and the masterfully decorated leaf that would have come before the now missing title page. This was very much created as a work of art. Many of Wynkyn de Worde’s printings were smaller, and so the page sizes of this copy of the Golden Legend alone speaks to the importance of this particular edition. A person could not and would likely not have wanted to purchase this book in its day unless they were extremely wealthy.

First page of text showing blackletter, woodcut, black ink drop caps

 And although we do not know who the first owners of the pages of this codex were, we can assume that they would have been deeply religious Catholics, as England was still a decade away from the reformation. This would have been a book of great importance in the owners’ homes, and following the reformation, the stories within telling of the lives of the saints may have been a way for its readers to maintain their catholic heritage.

While the first few pages have been frayed and repaired, a hint as to their usage, the excellent condition the rest of the pages are in and the gilded edges all suggest that this book was moving between the shelves of the rich and powerful before winding up in the Bodleian Library sometime in the first half of the nineteenth century. The Bodleian is one of the foremost institutions of knowledge-keeping in the world. Very little arrives there by accident.

M Banchmil, bookseller at the Bodleian, then sold this copy to Thomas Thorpe, whose bookshop was located at 13 Henrietta Street in Covent Garden, London. Thorpe then, judging by the date of the bookplates and the binding, sold this to a member of Clan Stuart, the book going from Covent Gardens to Aldenham Abbey, near Watford, sometime after May of 1850. The book then traveled further north to Tempsford Hall, a building owned at the time by a Major Dugald Stuart (possibly the original purchaser from Thorpe of this copy of the Golden Legend) just west of Cambridge. Tempsford Hall burned to the ground in 1898, so we know that this copy of the Golden Legend must have been relocated to its new owner’s shelves before then.

It is most likely that this new owner was William Marchbank. Based on the heraldry on Marchbanks’ bookplate, we can see that his family was a part of the Clan Marjoribanks. The Marjoribanks clan is of some relation to Clan Stuart, tracing their joint lineage back to a fourteenth-century marriage between Robert the Bruce’s daughter Marjorie with Walter Stewart, whose son would go on to be the king of Scotland in 1371.

So, we have evidence that this book has been passed along the descendants of Scottish royalty, coming from a birth in the lap of the British royalty. It is likely that the Scots, remaining catholic following Henry VIII’s reformation and the creation of the Anglican church, would have continued to value the Golden Legend spiritually, possibly adding another layer to the clearly cherished nature of this edition.

Whether William Marchbank inherited this book, purchased it from some distant cousin, valued it religiously, or even opened it at all is unknown, but he must have owned the book for long enough to install two bookplates bearing his name and crest on the frontispiece before it went to its new home. Not much can be uncovered about Marchbanks, but this same bookplate appears inside a book at the Penn University archives (call number: EC F6253 650ec), so it can be assumed that he placed much value on his collection. Archival references in letters found at Trinity College in Cambridge suggest that William Marchbank was a knight and solicitor who managed the Drapers’ Fund during the second world war, but this cannot be wholly confirmed by the evidence.

In order for this edition of the Golden Legend to cross the Atlantic and make its way to us, it needed a very wealthy buyer. Enter David and Lulu Borowitz. According to obituaries found in the Chicago Tribune, the husband and wife lived lives of philanthropy and rare book collecting. Lulu spent WWII fundraising for the Red Cross, while David spent the early part of the century investing and founding the Bradley Manufacturing Company, which made lamps and lamp shades. The Borowitzes became a power couple in the book collecting world, donating large collections to Brandeis University and the University of Louisville, where David would be awarded an honorary degree for his contributions. Lulu Borowitz passed in 1987, and with David’s death the following year, this copy of Wynkyn de Worde’s Golden Legend left their shelves. Where it went next is unclear, but eventually the book was acquired by Special Collections, although due to record keeping at the time (or lack thereof), the date of the acquisition and who it was acquired from is not certain.

In a world where there are many old things passed along without record through family members or friends or antique shops, to find an object whose history can be traced at all is a rare feat, let alone one that has had hundreds of years of ownership recorded for posterity’s sake attached to it. When a numismatist picks up a very old coin, they often imagine who might have held it, what it might have been used to purchase. Old books are similar. But in this instance, we can know who turned the Golden Legend’s pages, we can know where they stored it and where they lived, and from that, we can know, in some small way, and with only the tiniest dusting of certainty, a bit about their lives. This tiniest dusting, however, will leave more of history’s traces on our fingers than so many of the things we will ever touch that arrive to us nameless.

To hold an object of this nature changes it from simple antique. The provenance of the piece urges us to view it as artifact; we are holding something that has communed with the past directly in a discoverable way. The book should speak to us of more ancient times, but rather than speaking in a hollow shout, it whispers to us as if confiding a very old secret: “This is what the world was before you came into being.” While it may be a very different world, one bearing the hallmarks of wealth and privilege, whether we are rich or poor now we are interacting with the same interface, turning the same pages, finding the same ink stamped in the same places telling us the same old legends, some of them golden. It is up to us to decide whether this gold bears the same value, or whether it has been tarnished by the hands that held it, be they made rich through blood and scheming—as was the case with Clan Stuart and the Marjoribanks, through a fascination with the word—in all its forms—by those that stewarded the Bodleian and by Thomas Thorpe, or through innovation—as we saw through the rise of Wynkyn de Worde, or through lamps—in the case of the Borowitz family.

While it is hard to ignore the value placed upon these pages that superseded many of the other things that must be valued in this life, for me, this book is still worth its weight in gold.

Digital Literature’s Short Shelf Life

Digital literature, hypertext, hyperlinks, and electronic literature are all extreamly new terms in my vocabulary. I have never thought about literature made on the computer made for reading on the computer. This is partly because I am incredibly digitally illiterate and try to focus more on physical books that I can feel and touch. However, stepping into this digital world of literature is more fascinating than I ever thought it could be. It is experimental and fresh, taking from the past and making it into the new. As seen in the text, Electronic Literature, “We encounter electronic literature as both a reading experience and an application, an artifact that may also encompass the tool used to produce it. (page, 173)” This short quote articulates that form and media directly affect the form and content. This then affects how a person will read it and how long it stays relevant in our ever-changing world. There are also connections to be made about how media forms from the past affect the media forms we practice and consume today. The past and present are constantly in communication; in the same way, there is always a feedback loop between the arts. I am learning that it is very important to understand this when studying literature and its history. Especially, if you are doing research in media archeology, looking at artifacts and archives. This quote directly speaks to this, touching on the fact that an artifact will encompass the tool used to produce it. Therefore, writing something on a typewriter will create a different product than writing on the computer or by hand. Also, the affordability of paper will influence how long something may be or if it is lengthy or condensed. The main idea here is that it is impossible to ignore the form used to produce media. We live in a purposeful, obsolete culture where media dies. This is why digital literature will have a very short shelf life. This literature is hard to archive; software is always adapting and changing. In contrast to a book, which takes a physical form and can be preserved and kept safe from damage. Anything digital is not safe and is susceptible to deletion. This is all so fascinating, and I am so excited to be learning this, especially since we live in such a digital age, and im trying to be less digitally illiterate.

E-Lit: Making a Text Sing

In the final chapter of The Book, Borsuk gives examples of, “contemporary approaches to digital reading that, rather than offering up a crystal goblet, invite us to trace our finger along text’s rim and make it sing” (203). This quote encapsulates how I feel about electronic literature. All books are a collaboration between creators and readers, but not all creators and readers are necessarily conscious of this when they’re creating and/or reading books. Electronic literature is necessarily an interactive experience, which makes the collaborative nature of the book impossible to avoid.

One example that Borsuk mentions is Pry, by Samantha Gorman and Danny Cannizzaro. Borsuk says that, “Pry explicitly requires the reader’s interaction to make meaning” (247). The text remains flat, literally and figuratively, if it is read like a normal e-book. The text must be pried apart for the reader to literally see what would otherwise be subtext. The reader gains a greater understanding of the text not just by close reading, but by active participation.

This is not our first encounter with E-Lit in this class. We read Marginalia in the Library of Babel by Marino at the beginning of the semester. To find meaning in Marino’s annotations, we had to interact with hyperlinks, follow rabbit holes, and make connections. While we all might have interpreted Borges’ Library of Babel differently, may have read with different levels of attention or awareness of context, may have skimmed it at different paces, but we probably interacted with the text similarly, based on how we’ve been trained to read these kind of text in school. Marino’s text, however, is not something most of us are trained to read. Many of us would have tried to read it in a linear form, chronologically or in table-of-contents order, but some probably tried to read it like they might explore Wikipedia, clicking on whatever seems most interesting at the time. Some probably skipped most of the hyperlinks and missed all of the story. Each of us truly read a separate text.

This is why I love E-Lit. It encourages close reading, exploration, and collaboration. It doesn’t just enable readers to make the text their own, it forces them to do so. The authors/designers/coders who create electronic literature must also understand our medium. We need to be able to, as Borsuk puts it, “[draw] attention to the interface to explore and exploit the affordances of the digital” (203). We must know what a reader expects to see and the different ways a reader might interact with the form so that we might subvert those expectations. We must be okay with the idea that most people won’t read every bit of text. The average reader won’t even find every page. However, the culture of electronic literature practically demands that someone will, if you leave it out there long enough to float around in cyberspace.

Ways of Seeing

My interpretation of the book has shifted—not only is it a materialistic characterization of the physical qualities of the book itself, but also a vessel that reveals society’s underlying values, whatever those may be at the time it is written or read. The book is ever-evolving, adapting to social trends; in the 1600s, it was viewed as a symbol of status, power, and control, as only those of the higher orders of society were able to read and interpret texts. Those views have greatly shifted—people rarely read today, and those who do often romanticize it for the prestige that has become intrinsic to the book—echoing that the book is dependent on our values. Therefore, the book is not merely a physical object but a cultural artifact that responds to and acts in accordance with our needs. It is a material form that reflects our values and technological advancements, a medium that can serve as a weapon, a sacred text, or simply the bread and circus for a society too self-centered to recognize the value and worth of words. Therefore, the book cannot be a fixed object but one that embodies our social structures, operating from within rather than independently; the book allows us to engage with the world in alternate ways. We are all interconnected, sharing the same experiences, collectively challenging our ideas and beliefs, encouraging critical thinking and awareness. As Amaranth explains, “we might examine the book as what scholar N. Katherine Hayles calls it a “material metaphor”, through which we interface with language and which in turn alters how we can do so” (Borsuk 141); language is not static, it bounces between different signifies/signifieds, it allows us, the readers, to mediate between, word, text and meaning– in a manner, the book not only represents our social values as I previously mentioned but also redefines our ways of thinking– influencing how language is transformed through an amalgamation of social-cultural apparatus that interjects in our relationship with words and text.

history of books = the study how ideas make us who we are

Robert Darnton wrote that the purpose of book history is “to understand how ideas were transmitted through print and how exposure to the printed word affected the thought and behavior of mankind during the last five hundred years.” (p.65) This statement captures not only the essence of Darnton’s essay “What Is the History of Books?”  but also the broader human story of how reading shapes who we are. Books, in Darnton’s view, are not just reflections of history they are engines that drive it. His focus on transmission and exposure reveals a belief that the printed word has transformed not only what people think but how they think.

Darnton’s use of the words “transmitted” and “exposure” is particularly telling. He writes as if ideas themselves are living entities that move through society, carried by print. To be “exposed” to print, in his sense, is to encounter a force capable of altering consciousness and culture. For Darnton, the invention of printing was not a mere technological development it was a social revolution. When the printed word began to circulate widely after Gutenberg, it created new readers, new publics, and new ways of understanding authority and truth. This helps explain how the Reformation, the Enlightenment, and even modern democracy were all, in part, consequences of printed communication. The book, in Darnton’s framework, becomes a kind of historical virus infectious, transformative, and unstoppable once released into the world.

What makes Darnton’s insight so powerful is that he shifts our attention away from individual authors and texts toward the systemthat connects them: printers, booksellers, readers, and ideas all interacting in what he famously calls the “communications circuit.” (p.67) This model breaks down the myth of the solitary genius writing in isolation. Instead, it shows that intellectual change happens through network through the messy, material processes of production and exchange. The meaning of a book, then, does not end on the page it continues in the reader’s mind and in the society that absorbs it.

Darnton’s vision remains strikingly relevant today. If he saw the printing press as the great disruptor of the early modern world, we might see the internet as its digital heir. Our ideas still travel, multiply, and mutate through systems of transmission. His insight reminds us that every act of reading whether of a printed book or a glowing screen links us to a centuries-old chain of human communication. To study the history of books, as Darnton suggests, is really to study how ideas make us who we are.

A Network of Communication

In his essay “What is the History of Books?”, Robert Darnton describes books not simply as texts or objects, but as part of a living communication system. Darnton emphasizes that books are not static things, but social actors that circulate within a complex network of people, institutions, and ideas.

The model described by Darnton, the “communications circuit,” illustrates this insight very well. “Communications circuit” refers to a cycle in which a book moves from its creation to its reception. He writes: “It could be described as a communications circuit that runs from the author to the publisher, the printer, the shipper, the bookseller, and the reader.” Each of these actors shapes the text. The author is himself a reader of other texts. The publisher decides what will be published. The printer influences the design. The distributor determines the distribution. The reader closes the cycle by interpreting the book. This is how new ideas are generated. This model shows that books do not exist in isolation, but are products of social and economic relationships. There is a long way between the author and the reader, which is usually not taken into account. Paper suppliers, censorship authorities, transport networks, markets, and cultural institutions are the infrastructures that lie between the two entities. Darnton illustrates this with the example of Voltaire’s Questions sur l’Encyclopédie. This book, which was officially banned, traveled across borders, smuggling routes, and publishing networks from Switzerland to southern France. It was therefore not only an intellectual work, but also a material object shaped by political, economic, and logistical conditions.

The history of books is therefore not a secondary discipline, but a gateway to the history of communication itself. It connects literature, economics, politics, and society. I find Darnton’s idea that books not only tell history but also make it particularly convincing. They are tools for spreading ideas and knowledge, but also products of their own time. Darnton’s model reminds us that every medium, whether printed or digital, remains part of a social cycle in which knowledge, power, and meaning are interwoven.

Are digital text’s fixed?

There are many affordances to e-books and digital texts, but what are the drawbacks? Reading digitally changes the intimacy between text and reader, creating more distance between a person and what they read. The power of the codex is so effective because it is fixed; once it is printed, it cannot be changed. However, that begs the question: Is digital text fixed in the way codices are? Or is there a way for them to be tampered with?

We live in unprecedented times of censorship and deletion. Is there a way the government can tamper with digital text to benefit them and their agenda? As seen in the text, “Before considering contemporary e-readers, we need to explore the development of the e-book they support, which changed the relationship of word to world by turning text into data, fundamentally altering its portability. texts’ digital life unteathers it from any specific material support, making it accessible through a variety of interfaces.(Borsuk, pg 203) This quote’s use of the word, unteather, supports my argument that text is no longer connected or tethered to tangible material. Thus, making it an unreliable and unfixed medium.

The codex can always be relied on not to change. You set a book down, and the contents will never change. Digital text, however, ceases to exist once you turn the computer off and is susceptible to change or tampering. The word relationship is also powerful here, stating that the relationship between word and world has changed. Text is now data, which is a part of a much bigger online picture. The relationship between the reader and the word is now more distant. A reader is no longer fondling the page in an intimate intanglement, grasping new information with every page turn. This all affects the way a person will read and connect with the text. Thus, creating a new world of taking in information.

The Page as Space

Let’s be honest… Who among us has ever thought about the page? Reading Bonnie Mak’s “How the Page Matters,” I realized that the page plays a central role in the history of thought. Mak shows that the page is not only a carrier of text, but a medium in itself. She writes: “The page has remained a favoured space and metaphor for the graphic communication of ideas over the span of centuries and across different cultural milieux.” The page is therefore not merely a material object, but a cultural tool that shapes thought.

Mak takes us through different eras to show how each generation has developed its own forms of reading and writing. From antiquity, through the Middle Ages, and up to the present day, the relationship has changed radically. From foldable papyrus to scrolls and finally to our conventional page, it has evolved into an orderly and tangible medium. The idea itself took on a new structure. This development is not only technical, but also cultural. Every material form, such as papyrus, parchment, paper, and screen, is an expression of a particular understanding of knowledge. She emphasizes: “So accustomed to its form, we no longer notice how the page is fundamental to the transmission of ideas and that it shapes our interpretation of those ideas.” We think in the forms in which we read.

What is particularly exciting is how Mak applies this perspective to the present day. Digital “pages” on smartphones and tablets have once again changed the way we read. Their fleeting nature, mobility, and infinite repeatability reflect our society, a society in which information is no longer fixed but constantly in circulation. Mak reminds us that what we take for granted is always also a cultural decision. The form of knowledge is never neutral. When the context changes, what we understand as “knowledge” also changes.

Ongoing Life of Books

When I was reading Michelle Levy and Tom Mole’s The Broadview Introduction to Book History page 6-8 was interesting for me. They talk about how printed books used to be the main way people shared knowledge and stories, but even as new technologies appeared like the radio, film, or the internet books didn’t disappear. Instead, they learned to live alongside all these new forms of media.

When I think back on the discussions from the last few weeks about whether books are really threatened by new media, it makes me imagine books as living things that adapt to survive. Even now, when most of us read on our phones or tablets, books are still here, quietly holding their own space. Some people talk about the “death of the book,” but Levy and Mole remind us that people have been saying that for centuries. Every time a new technology arrives, there’s this fear that reading will change forever, and yet the book always finds a way to remain part of our lives.I can feel that in my own reading habits. I also love scrolling online and reading on screens because it’s fast and easy, but holding a real book feels different. The weight of it, the texture of the pages, even the sound of turning one it makes me slow down and focus. Reading a printed book feels calmer and more intentional, like I’m connecting with something that’s been here for hundreds of years.What I love about Levy and Mole’s idea is that it makes me stop worrying about the future of books. They aren’t going anywhere. They’re just changing, like they always have. Maybe that’s what makes them so special, books don’t fight against new media, they grow with it.